"First, oxygen is needed tobreathe specially for TNA and also it is necessary for the journalists like you”,RanilWickremesinghe, the leader of UNP said when he recently met thejournalists from North. Just because he is taken here as an example, it does not mean he is right. I just mentioned what he had commented.
In the history ofthe past67yearssince thecountry'sindependence, there is no single example for none of thesuccessivegovernments, or the alliancesand separatepartiesdid not acton the interestsof either the Tamils or the minorities.
Everybody knows that both the UNP along the lines of D.S.Senanayake, Sir John Koththalawela, J.R. Jeyawardene, RanasinghePremadasa, D.P.Wijayatunge and RanilWickremesinghe and the SLFP along the lines of S.W.R.D.Bandaranayake, Thakanayake, SrimavoBandaranayake, ChandrikaBandaranayake and MahindaRajapaksa competitively spoke racism and both parties held the racism as the capital of their political existence.
Apart from that, the history that, when the left wing leaders including Colvin R.D. Silva holding double PhDs, N.M.Perera, Peter Kenoman, Tissavitarana, VasudevaNanayakara and Dew Gunasekara allied with SLFP to form the regime throughout the history, they had been hand in hand with ruling party in the acts against the minority, will never ever be forgotten. Above all, by repealing the protection afforded to minorities by the Soulbury constitution (in practicemanydefeats thattheseprovisionswere met) enacted in 1947, the first republican constitution of Sri Lanka enacted in 1972 during the ruling of the government of SrimavoBandaranayake who came to regime after the demise of S.W.R.D.Bandaranayake who brought the Sinhala Only Act.
The credit goes to Colvin R.Desilva, the leftist leader and the double PhD holder, for drafting the constitution ensuring the Sri Lanka as a Sinhala-Buddhist country and proclaiming the Sinhala as only the official language by annihilating the 7 points enacted in the previous constitution such as Section 29, Senate, the electorate of many members, Privy Council, two-thirdsmajority in amending the constitution,the Public ServiceCommission andthe JudicialService Commission. It is not known that whether the gentlemen, who still believe the Sri Lankan leftists, remember that the first republican constitution of Sri Lanka was drafted by the leftwing leader holding double PhDs.
The first republican constitution of Sri Lanka was drafted following the constitutional revolution made by theconstitutional assemblyinclusive of the political parties in Sri Lanka gathered at “Navarankala Hall”. The Tamil partiesboycottedtheconstitutionalassembly stating the demands put forth by them had not been considered in the formation of the first republican constitution of Sri Lanka. UNP also boycotted that. Finally, the SLFP allied with leftists drafted and accepted the constitution that proclaimed the Sri Lanka as the Sinhala-Buddhist country. Following to that, in 1970s, the struggles of the Tamils started uprising. The massivewashoutof the alliance government headed by Srimavoin the 1977 election,ledJ.R.Jayawardene to raise in power and the TULF headed by AppapillaiAmirthalingamtositin the oppositionin the Parliamentin the Sri Lankanhistory. In addition, J.R.Jayawardene, who came to power with an overwhelming majority as the first time in 1977 election, formed the second republican constitution of Sri Lanka in 1978. He created and enjoyed the executive presidency and he further self-importantly added that he could do whatever except changing the man to women and vice versa by using the executive presidency created by him. He offered the responsibilities to all the Ministers after received their resignation letter in advance. During his first tenure, he deprived the civil rights of SrimavoBandaranayake who was in an able position to contest against him. (It is same like the civil rights of SarathFonseka was deprived by MahindaRajapaksa) Therefore, in 1982, Hector Hoppekaduva, who appointed as the presidential candidate on behalf of the SLFP, gained easy victory in the first presidential election in the Sri Lankan history. He extended the parliamentary regime for 6 more years with the same overwhelming majority that he earlier had. He succeeded in the referendum conducted with the intention of extending the parliament. During his regime, he exerted pressure on various other political parties in South. He imprisoned Mr. WickremabahuKarunaratne, the leader of Navasamaja Party, VasudevaNanayakara and JVPleader RohanaWijeweera and subsequently banned their political parties. Then he eliminated the ban imposed on those political parties and released those politicians imprisoned by him. Unforgettable tragic events in the history, including the 1983 riots and burning of the Jaffna library were staged during the JR’s regime. However, Premadasa, the then Prime Minister did not provide the opportunity to JR to contest in the presidential election as the third term and also JR did not make effort to amend the constitution for that. Subsequent to the retirement of JR after the tenure of his second term presidency in accordance with the constitution enacted in 1978, RanasinghePremadasa contested in the presidential election and gained victory. UNP was in the regime for 17 years including the 1 year tenure of D.P.Wijayatunge who came to power after the demise of Premadasa, from 1977 up to the Chandrika’s regime came in 1994. RanasinghePremadasa had been as the third president from 2nd of January, 1989 till he was killed in a LTTE’s suicide attack on 1st of May, 1993. The ruling period of his regime was the mostcontroversial. However, he adopted the names such as “Hero of the poors” and “Hero of the rural areas” by implementing the rural developments including “Gramodaya Development”, “Kamudava” and housing scheme. JVP’s second insurgency upraised during his regime was mercilessly quelled. The dead bodies of the youths were being floated in the rivers and pools in South in 1988–1989 – 1990s, like MahindaRajapaksa’sMullivaikal. Morethan 50,000 people including youths were killed and disappeared in South in the clash between JVP and Premadasa’s government.Pattalantaiconcentration camp was well known during that time.JVP accuses of RanilWickremesinghe in connection with that concentration camp. The insurgency took place in 1971 was quelled by the alliance government headed by Srimavo. Thousands of youths were killed and many youths were incarcerated at the prisons. The insurgency took place during the period of 1988-1989 was quelled by the UNP government. Media repression had been unleashed during the Premadasa’s regime also. Printer that printed the “Yukthiya” newspaper had been smashed. Rishard De Zoysa was killed. At one stage, en effort to bring no-confidence motion against Premadasa was made by the Ministers including the senior Ministers LalithAththulathMudali, GaminiTissanayake and GaminiAthukorala. When this no-confidence motion signed by the majority of parliamentarians had about to be submitted, the parliamentary debate regarding that no-confidence motion was prevented by either threatening the then speaker of the parliament or giving money to him, according to the information revealed at that time. Following the conflicts, many senior members get off from the party andformedthe Democratic National Alliance. The UNP’s game came to an end after this conflict and the assassinations of Premadasa, Lalith and Gamini. ChandrikaBandaranayake Kumaratunga,who contested against the UNP’s presidential candidate, had put full stop to the 17 years ruling of the UNP by receiving the highest number of preferential votes in the Sri Lankan history in the 1994 presidential election. The UNP had unleashed violence in that election. 16 persons were killed and many were wounded in the election time. However, the UNP did not make effort to alter the election results by taking the control of either the election department or the election commissioner. The former president ChandrikaBandaranayake, who ruled this country from 1994 to 2005, is relatively different from other presidents starting from JR to MahindaRajapaksa. In particular, she was relatively different from her predecessors and successorMahinda in terms of repression, corruption and abuse of power. She did not massively interfere in the press freedom, judicialservice, public service, election department, state legislative council and National police services. In addition to that, she gained the colors through the 17th amendment enacted in 2001 for diluting the severity of the constitution brought by J.R.Jeyawardene. According to the political commentators, Chandrika brought this constitutional amendment with the support of opposition parties in order to further democratize the system of government and the system of governance. Through this, the following were established; 1) The legislative Council 2) Public Service Commission 3) The Election Commission 4) The judicial Service Commission. 5) National Police Service Commission Through these, Chandrika had limited the powers of the president. However, according to her, she did not have the support within her party and outside the party in abolishing the executive presidency, which is like the situation prevailing now. But now, Rajapaksa& Co has provided all the powers that could change the man as woman and vice versa to the president by enforcing the 18th and 19th constitutional amendments. However, Saddana editor Saddana Kumara and TharakiSivaram were killed in Chandrika’s regime. News censorship was in practice during the war in her regime. For the first time, she displaced the Tamils from Jaffna peninsula in 1995. Apart from these activities of her which tortured the Tamils who demanded for the rights, it should be noted that despite Chandrikahad been the representative of the Sinhalese and the president of the majority during the period of intensive ethnic struggle, she relatively kept the flexibility and tried to keep the political ethics. Specially, being an executive president, she conducted the parliamentary election comparatively independent. However, notably, the criticism over her that by bowing to the insistences and pressures of the JVP which was in her ruling alliance, she had dissolved the parliament led by Ranil during the peace talks. Apart from these, in the controversy regarding her tenure, she accepted the judgment delivered by the Chief JusticeSarath N.Silva and she brought her 11 years tenure to an end. She did not seek to exert pressure on the judiciary there. Thus, emancipation from the institutionalized Mahinda’sregime, which remains as totalitarian regime and family regime in a manner that cannot be compared with any of the governments during the 57 years of time from 1948 to 2005, became much important. When we think being the Tamils, nothing would be different whether this country is ruled by r Raman or Ravananis the lesson given by the 67 years of political practice. However, apart from these, no one except Mahindadid not brutally kill the lakhs of people through incarcerated the people within a small and densely populated area. None of them other than Mahinda, did not commit the Mullivaikal tragedy. After the 18th of May2009, the Tamil people were sordidly enslaved unlike having never before. Tamils open their mouth only for eating and for breathing sometimes. Tamils should get the permission from Military for celebrating the wedding, pubertal ceremony and to give the hospitality to their relations. Such a political situation in which JVP says that Tamils are being lived in the prison had never been in the previous 57 years of political history in Sri Lanka. Having considered the plight of the Tamils during the 9 years from 2005 to2014, what is the guarantee for the situation, in which the nearby Military will determine who may give child to whom and who may life together with whom, should not come in the next 6 years if Mahinda is sworn in as president? It is true that the dynasty had been in practice in the successive rulers who came to power from 1948 to 2004. DudleySenanayake came to power after D.S. Senanayake. Ravi Jeyawardena, the son of JR did not come to politics directly. Then, for the first time, Premadasa came to power from the plantain garden. He also did not involve his children directly in politics. There were no ill-treatments of his relatives in his regime. Though Srimavo and Anura were in the politics in the Chandrika’s regime, they were already elected by the people and also Chandrika did not provide any undue powers to them. Charismaticministers had been functioning extemporaneously in the JR’s regime. Premadasa was functioning as the Minister of housing construction and the Prime Minister. AthulathMudali was functioning as the Minister of Defense. GaminiTissanayake was functioning as the Minister of Mahaweli development scheme. In the Premadasa’s regime also, RanjanVijewardena was the Minister of Defense, Srisena was the Minister of Cooray and many were as the key Ministers including RanilWickremesinghe. But, the regime of Mahinda institutionalized by his family ruling through keeping all the powers with them and thus established the monarchy in which even the air is impervious. The country’s rulers before 2005 did not bring the national police service, judiciary system, public service, election department, parliament, airportsand ports under the influence of their family. The president of the country- MahindaRajapaksa, Speaker of the Parliament- elder brother ChamalRajapaksa, Defence Secretary–younger brotherGotabayaRajapaksa, key Minister including the developments- younger brother Basil Rajapaksa, Parliamentarian- Son NamalRajapaksa, influential one in the navy- Son YosithaRajapaksa, other than these, his close relatives were nominated as Chief Ministers, Ministers and diplomats and his close associates were designated in the key positions. 75 percentage of the country’s budget is in the clutches of Mahinda’s family. Mahainda, who nominated a Tamil journalist and two Sinhala journalists close to him in theforeigndiplomaticservice, also appointed the officers of the Military, Navy and Police and judges. Usually, the diplomats appointed in the foreign diplomatic services should have passed the examination in the field of that particular subject and they should have well experience in this regard. Those who were appointed in the official level positions should have passed the Civil Administrative Service examinations or they should have qualifications equivalent to that. But, 95 percentage of those appointed in the foreign diplomatic services were the politically influential persons in the Rajapaksa’s regime. Influence of the Rajapaksa family is even in the sports sector, ArjunaRanatunga recently said. “Despite my father was the fierce supporter of the SLFP, the then CricketBoardChairman GaminiDissanayake did not introduce the political reasons into the game. If GaminiDissanayake really wanted to put a full stop to my cricket career, he could have done. But he did not do like that. Political interference increased enormously in the sports sector after the 2010”, ArjunaRanatunga further added. Apart from that, for the first time in the history,drug-trafficking and theunderworldoperations, extortion, kidnapping, murder, vandalism etc. are the brutal and illegal activities are institutionalized with the backing of the Mahinda’s regime. The ministers operate as thugs and brutes blatantly with the blessing of the President. Minister Mervin Silva said that he was ready to get married the formerUNHigh Commissionerfor HumanRightsNavaneethampillai. S.P.Dissanayake, the Cabinet Minister of Higher Educationsaid that former President Chandrika should be naked and trampled on the street. Anything would be uglier rather than this? Thesefilth andabominations are institutionalized in the Rajapaksa’s regime. The world ranking of press freedom affirmed that journalists were kidnapped, killed, and turned to exile, and Medias were brutally suppressed in the history than ever before in the Mahinda’s regime. Beyond these, if the Tamil people in the homeland and the Tamil diaspora do the same mistake made in 2005, immersing in the unrealisticutopia, not merely the people from South but also the Eelam Tamils will go to hell, then which cannot be able to be stopped either by Western countries or America and India. On the one side, saying the internationalinvestigation and saying the racist government in the regime would speed up the liberation of Tamils, on the other side, claiming the Mahinda as the savior of the country, will only lead to maximize the profit in their political trade. Nothing else would be happened rather than that. If Mahinda is sworn in as President this time, he will not in the need of anyone’s support including the Sinhalese support for the next six years. Parliamentarians in many numbers will be crossed over and surrendered to the government. With the overwhelming support he gained, without conducting the parliamentary election, he will enact the laws and regulations for his sake. Mahinda will ensure the continuation of the Dynasty of Mahinda’s regime by changing the electoralsystems. When the Burmesemilitaryregime, realizing their inability to confront with the world and the western powers for more than three decades, went to compromise with the western powers, the western powers acknowledged the Burmesemilitaryregime with no other options. Mahinda also will do the same in his last times. He will try to protect the gap till his son Namal sworn in as President. MahindaRajapaksa also will try to do the same thing like howBurmesemilitaryregime compromised with the world. If that so, the world will hand shake with Mahinda as like how those world leaders who opposed the Burma earlier had thrown all the contradictions away in a corner and now happy with Burma. If such a situation comes, the western stance against Mahinda will become mirage. The survival of the Sinhala and Tamil political traders, who endeavor to bring the Mahinda’s regime, will only be lucrative. People are pathetic…….
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